The End of Democracy
Publisher: Tumblar House
Most people would agree that democracy throughout the world is in deep trouble. From the polarizing politics of the United States to the endless refugee crisis in Europe to the rise in radical Islam, there is a widespread feeling that our way of life—political, cultural, and social—is under siege. But what if democracy itself is to blame? What if the current threats are not distortions of but inherent to democracy? What if the solution to our present ills is not “fixing” the system, but junking it entirely? Christophe Buffin de Chosal asks these forbidden questions, and answers them unarguably with Gallic wit and glittering style. If you read only one book on politics this year, let this be it! Foreword by Charles A. Coulombe.
Publication Date: 2017-08-31
Dimensions: 8 x 5 x 0.4 inches
Christophe Buffin de Chosal is a Belgian historian and a writer. He is married and the father of six children. He lives in Belgium. He has worked for 25 years as a high school and university teacher in the fields of History, Economics and Politics. His main fields of expertise are Medieval and Modern History, Modern and Contemporary Politics. Since 1988, he has written articles for Correspondance européenne, a French-speaking press agency based in Rome.
Everyone recognizes that modern democracy and representive republics have become wholly corrupted, representing only the interests of moneyed powers and radical ideological groups, but what is seldom recognized is that this end was initially intended by design. The End of Democracy exposes that end, and yet points also to its looming and inescapable final end.
Christophe Buffin de Chosal brilliantly busts democratic myths. Do the liberals really care about us? Are all of their decisions really motivated by "the will of the people"? Well...
"The parliamentary regimes which issued from the French Revolution imitated the British system: a king not in charge, ministers responsible to the Houses, and, above all, no universal suffrage. The bourgeois regimes' distrust of universal suffrage is easily understood. At the time, universal suffrage would have reinforced the conservatives, for the population would have spontaneously voted for its natural elite: manorial lords, notaries, and parish priests. ... Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the two states practicing universal suffrage were also the two most powerful and most conservative monarchies: Germany and Austria-Hungary." (p. 18-19)
On p. 45, the author makes a point increasingly common among monarchists, that of "time preference".
In his fifth chapter, the author tries to uncover what good the European Union does that outweighs its ills and cannot be done by nations, finding none. In his sixth chapter, he argues that democracy naturally drifts left. In his seventh chapter, he argues that democratic government brings the incompetent, not the competent, to positions of power. In the final chapter, he makes an interesting comment about popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI: he says that they "rightly pointed out that democracy should not be an ideology, but rather a simple system of governance and representation subject to moral imperatives; they made the mistake of believing, however, that democracy was such a system and that it could submit itself to 'non-negotiable' values" (p. 152-153). He also raises the startling possibility that Muslim society "will even seduce numerous Westerners at a time when parliamentary democracy will reveal its inability to serve the good of peoples" (p. 157).